Unemployment Protections. Health and Safety. Unions and Right to Work. The Occupational Safety and Health Act applies to most private sector employers and their workers, in addition to some in the public sector.
OSHA serves as the enforcement arm of the act, applying fines and penalties to employers that violate its rules, standards, and guidelines. Source: OSHA. Article Sources.
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This compensation may impact how and where listings appear. Investopedia does not include all offers available in the marketplace. The U. Department of Labor is a cabinet-level agency responsible for enforcing federal labor standards. What Is the Trade Act of ?
The Trade Act of passed to expand U. Workers' Compensation Coverage A Workers' compensation coverage A protects employees and provides medical care, death, disability, and rehab for workers injured or killed on the job. Labor Union A labor union is an organization that represents the collective interests of workers in negotiations with employers.
Why Employers Need the Protection of Liability Insurance Employers' liability insurance covers businesses against claims by employees who have suffered a job-related injury or illness, or who file lawsuits.
Subsequent laws provide more protection, but discrimination endures. Partner Links. In , it had just completed a study of the uranium mines and was expected to recommend a standard shortly. However, when the council met on May 4, , it became deadlocked between a standard that the Atomic Energy Commission recommended and a tougher one preferred by the Labor Department.
The next day, Secretary of Labor Willard Wirtz, impatient with inaction, announced a bold step. Previously, Wirtz had been reluctant to act because he felt that uranium mining was not properly a Department of Labor area. However, without holding public hearings, Wirtz adopted under the Walsh-Healey Act the standard he had unsuccessfully advocated before the Federal Radiation Council. This move had a decisive impact on the shaping of a national job safety and health program in , as the Departments of Labor and HEW promoted their competing proposals.
The Bureau of the Budget accepted the Department of Labor's recommendations. In January , President Johnson called on Congress to enact a job safety and health program virtually identical to that developed by the Labor Department. Johnson said it was "the shame of a modern industrial nation" that each year more than 14, workers were killed and 2.
Citing inadequate standards, lagging research, poor enforcement of laws, shortages of safety and health personnel, and a patchwork of ineffective Federal laws, Johnson argued that a comprehensive new law was needed.
The Johnson proposal, quickly introduced as legislation, gave the Secretary of Labor the responsibility of setting and enforcing standards to protect 50 million workers.
The bill also had a general duty clause requiring employers to "furnish employment and place of employment which are safe and healthful.
Violators could be fined or jailed, and the Secretary could black-list transgressors who held government contracts. The Labor Department would help interested States to develop their own programs in lieu of the Federal one.
The Department of HEW would provide the Labor Department with scientific material for new safety and health standards. Congressional committee hearings on the Johnson proposal began in February Wirtz claimed that 3 of 4 teenagers entering the work force would probably suffer one minor disabling injury or more during their work life. He also displayed shocking photographs of gory industrial accident scenes.
Wirtz felt that the main issue was "whether Congress is going to act to stop a carnage" which continues because people "can't see the blood on the food that they eat, on the things that they buy, and on the services they get.
The proposal aroused opposite strong reactions. Organized labor supported the bill. A noted occupational health researcher, Irving R. Selikoff, of the Mt.
Sinai School of Medicine, and consumers' advocate Ralph Nader added their voices in support. However, industry, led by the U. Chamber of Commerce, vehemently opposed the broad powers which would be given to the Secretary of Labor. Industry campaigned hard against a "crash program" that would undermine the rightful role of the States.
Ironically, the Labor Department itself may have hurt the bill's chances. In March , it published the booklet, "On the Job Slaughter," containing gory photographs similar to those Secretary Wirtz had displayed when testifying. When industry found out that many of the pictures were 20 to 30 years old, it accused the Labor Department of deception. The Johnson proposal failed in President Johnson's decision not to run for re-election, domestic violence in the inner cities, demonstrations against the Vietnam War -- these and many other events diverted congressional and national attention from dealing with workers' safety and health.
The bill never came to a vote in Congress. By , the idea of a general job safety and health law had taken hold. Beginning in , Congress passed several laws protecting various groups of workers. The Service Contracts Act of and the Federal Construction Safety and Health Act of provided missing links in the protection of Government contractor employees.
A mine explosion in causing 68 deaths in Farmington, W. In the context of Federal action, President Richard Nixon presented his version of a comprehensive job safety and health program to Congress in August After his inauguration, he had called on his Cabinet departments to sift through his campaign speeches for election-year promises. They were to report to him on what they were doing to meet these pledges. Under Secretary of Labor James D. Hodgson 29 , who was particularly interested in workers' safety and health, was "delighted" to find that in a speech in Cincinnati, the Presidential candidate had called for Federal action on that problem.
The White House asked Hodgson to prepare a bill, and he began work immediately, consulting extensively with labor and management. The Nixon Administration's proposal bypassed the question of whether Labor or HEW should have control and offered instead a five-person board that would set and enforce job safety and health standards.
Nixon emphasized use of existing efforts by private industry and State governments. The main Federal concern would be with health research and education and training, and only secondarily with direct regulation.
Legislation embodying the Nixon proposal was introduced in Congress and for the second consecutive year hearings began on a national job safety and health program. Hundreds of witnesses from labor, industry, government, and the safety and health community gave thousands of pages of oral and written testimony.
In addition to hearings in Washington, there were field hearings around the country at which rank-and-file workers in steel mills, automobile plants, and other industries testified. Secretary of Labor George Shultz emphasized at the hearings that the Nixon bill was part of a continuous historical process. Secretary Schultz believed that a consensus had finally evolved on both the need for a Federal law and its general form.
He exhorted Congress to "work out our differences and get something done. This turned out to be easier said than done. Democratic Congressmen, and some Republicans, raised strong objections to the bill. Many felt that, with two departments already involved, a safety board would create administrative confusion.
Labor union supporters opposed any such board and wanted the programs lodged in the Labor Department. The proposed enforcement scheme came under fire because it only penalized willful, flagrant violators. Critics felt that this would take away much of the deterrent effect, because employers would be tempted to ignore Federal safety and health standards until after they were inspected. Exemptions of small employers, a 3-year delay in the bill's effective date, and a reliance on "consensus" standards devised by industry groups also drew Democratic opposition.
Organized labor had enthusiastically backed the Johnson bill, but it completely opposed the Nixon proposal. It agreed with congressional critics that the Labor Department was the proper locus of authority over safety and health. Unions felt that strong action was needed to deal with the hazards of the workplace, especially alarming new chemical dangers.
As Anthony Mazzocchi of the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers union put it: "The mad rush of science has propelled us into a strange and uncharted environment. We grope in the dark and we can light only a few candles.
Buried in the battle of witnesses for and against the Nixon proposal were some thought-provoking comments by Irving Selikoff. He described the suffering of construction workers who succumbed to asbestosis from applying asbestos insulation to buildings. Refusing to blame any one group, he asked rhetorically, "Who killed Cock Robin? His has been an impersonal, technological death We have all failed.
In a crucial switch, the U. Chamber of Commerce, which had led the fight against the Johnson proposal, came out in favor of the Nixon bill. The National Association of Manufacturers and other industry group added their support. The main reason for the Chamber's switch was President Nixon's proposal to put a special safety and health board in charge of the Federal program, instead of giving the Labor Department that duty, as the Johnson proposal would have done.
Business also was impressed with the fact that the Administration had listened to industry's views in drafting the legislation. Behind the change of heart was acceptance by business that, while the idea of Government regulation of conditions in the workplace was distasteful, some kind of safety and health law was inevitable.
Early in , two Democrats, Representative James G. Despite Republican efforts in to bottle up the bills in committee, they — and not the Nixon bill — were introduced on the floors of the House and Senate shortly before the Congressional elections.
Opponents succeeded in delaying consideration of these labor-backed measures until after the election, in hopes that it would prevent passage.
The strategy was partially successful. In the Senate, the first to act in the post-election "lameduck" session, Republicans offered an amendment substituting the Nixon proposal for the Democratic measures and came just two votes short of succeeding.
With the division this close, compromise seemed likely. Senator Jacob Javits, New York Republican, offered an amendment under which the Secretary of Labor would set safety and health standards, and a separate commission would oversee Labor Department enforcement, serving as a kind of court of appeals for parties who disagreed with the Secretary's decisions.
Senate Democrats and the Nixon Administration supported the compromise and the Senate passed it. In the House, a grassroots effort which the Chamber of Commerce waged against the Democratic proposal during the election campaign drained off some support. Republican William A. Steiger of Wisconsin offered an Administration-backed bill to substitute for the O'Hara bill introduced earlier in the year.
In a major defeat for labor, which had stoutly resisted any efforts at compromise, the Steiger amendment passed easily and a House- Senate conference committee met to hammer out the differences between the two bills. However, the odds were now stacked in labor's favor. The conference committee members reflected the liberal views of the Democratic House and Senate committee chairmen who selected them. When the conferees met in December, they adopted the more liberal Senate bill almost unchanged.
The only significant point on which the Senate yielded was deletion of a provision allowing the Secretary of Labor to close down a plant under conditions of imminent danger. The Senate immediately approved the measure and sent it on to the House. The mission of OSHA is to assure safe and healthful working conditions for working men and women by setting and enforcing standards and by providing training, outreach, education and assistance.
To achieve this, federal and state governments work together with more than million working men and women and eight million employers. Some of the things OSHA does to carry out its mission are:. OSHA also assists the States in their efforts to assure safe and healthful working conditions, through OSHA- approved job safety and health programs operated by individual states.
States with approved plans cover most private sector employees as well as state and local government workers in the state. State plan programs respond to accidents and employee complaints and conduct unannounced inspections, just like federal OSHA. Before beginning this quiz, we highly recommend you review the module material. This quiz is designed to allow you to self-check your comprehension of the module content, but only focuses on key concepts and ideas.
Read each question carefully. Select the best answer, even if more than one answer seems possible. When done, click on the "Get Quiz Answers" button. If you do not answer all the questions, you will receive an error message. Which terrible event in that killed workers resulted in public outrage and call for reforms? Triangle Shirtwaist Company fire b. Bopul Chemical explosion c. Bombing of Pearl Harbor d.
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