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A meeting of Tibetan exiles in northern India reaffirms support for the Dalai Lama's long-standing policy of seeking autonomy, rather than independence, from China. China promotes its appointee as Panchen Lama, the second-highest-ranking Lama, as spokesman for Chinese rule in Tibet.

Government reopens Tibet to tourists after a two-month closure ahead of the anniversary. But he also says that the Tibetan issue is a Chinese domestic problem.

A former army soldier and, like Puncog, ethnic Tibetan, Padma Choling, is chosen to succeed him. Exiled Tibetans elect Lobsang Sangay to lead the government-in-exile. Before stepping down, the Dalai Lama questions the wisdom and effectiveness of self-immolation as a means of protesting against Chinese rule in Tibet. Tenzin Phuntsog is the first monk to die thus in Tibet proper.

They are the first self-immolations reported in the Tibetan capital. On the eve of the 18th Communist Party of China National Congress, three teenage Tibetan monks set themselves on fire. China summons a US embassy official in Beijing to protest.

Protesters in Tibet repeatedly call for the protection of Tibetan identity, for freedom, for human rights and for the return of the Dalai Lama to Tibet. Some call for "Rangzen" independence from China. Within the exile Tibetan community there is vigorous debate between supporters of Rangzen and those of the Middle Way Approach.

Free Tibet has no position on the future political status of Tibet. Our goal is to secure Tibetans' right to determine their own future and it will then be for the Tibetan people to make that decision. Michael van Walt is an international legal scholar and a visiting professor at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, United States.

In the article below, he explains Tibet's legal status. The Tibetan Government-in-Exile maintains that Tibet is an independent state under unlawful occupation.

If Tibet is under unlawful Chinese occupation, Beijing's large-scale transfer of Chinese settlers into Tibet is a serious violation of the fourth Geneva Convention of , which prohibits the transfer of civilian population into occupied territory. If Tibet is under unlawful Chinese occupation, China's illegal presence in the country is a legitimate object of international concern.

If, on the other hand, Tibet is an integral part of China, then these questions fall, as China claims, within its own domestic jurisdiction. The issue of human rights, including the right of self-determination and the right of the Tibetan people to maintain their own identity and autonomy are, of course, legitimate objects of international concern regardless of Tibet's legal status. China makes no claim to sovereign rights over Tibet as a result of its military subjugation and occupation of Tibet following the country's invasion in Instead, it bases its claim to Tibet solely on its theory that Tibet has been an integral part of China for many centuries.

China's claim to sovereignty over Tibet is based almost exclusively on self-serving Chinese official histories. Chinese sources portrayed most countries with whom the emperor of China had relations, not only Tibet, as vassals of the emperor. When studying Tibet's history, Tibetan sources should be given primary importance; foreign sources, including Chinese ones, should only be given secondary weight.

Tibet has a rich history dating back over 2, years. A good starting point in analysing the country's status is the period referred to as Tibet's "imperial age", when the entire country was first united under one ruler.

There is no serious dispute over the existence of Tibet as an independent state during this period. Even China's own historical records and treaties Tibet and China concluded during that period refer to Tibet as a strong state with whom China was forced to deal on a footing of equality. International law protects the independence of states from attempts to destroy it and, therefore, the presumption is in favour of the continuation of statehood.

Therefore, I always say that it is wrong for the religious leaders to hold political authority. I feel proud to be able to implement what I firmly believe and tell others to put into practice my ideology that the world and countries belong to the general populace and the period of keeping control through power is outdated. Moreover, I will get more opportunity to speak strongly since I have implemented what I confidently and consistently emphasized — the separation of religion and politics.

Chinese authorities and our Chinese friends alike must realize that grievances of Tibetan people are many and genuine. September 24, — The Dalai Lama issued a statement about how he envisaged the process of finding his reincarnation to work. This is the first meeting of the Task Force under Dr. Lobsang Sangay. June 3, — Dr. Gyari and Envoy Kelsang Gyaltsen. The resignations became effective June 1, At the Task Force meeting on May , in Dharamsala, the envoys expressed their utter frustration over the lack of positive response from the Chinese side and submitted their resignations to the Kalon Tripa.

Furthermore, the United Front did not respond positively to the Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People presented in and its Note in One of the key Chinese interlocutors in the dialogue process even advocated abrogation of minority status as stipulated in the Chinese constitution thereby seeming to remove the basis of autonomy.

At this particular time, it is difficult to have substantive dialogue. The Tibetan leadership considers substance to be primary and process as secondary, and is ready to engage in meaningful dialogue anywhere and at anytime. Over delegates from 26 countries participated in it. The meeting made 31 recommendations to deal with the critical situation in Tibet and find a lasting solution to the Tibetan issue. It resolved to pursue the Middle Way Approach to find a meaningful solution through dialogue with the Chinese Government.

Navi Pillay of November 2, The meeting reviewed the deepening political crisis in Tibet, specifically the tragic spate of self-immolations, and discussed the urgent need for peaceful resolution of the issue of Tibet.

The meeting also discussed the changes in the Chinese leadership and their implications on the Tibetan issue. Substantive assessments were made on the genesis of the Tibetan dialogue process, its future prospects and challenges, based on the situation in Tibet, China and in the international community. Various constructive opinions were expressed to continue the dialogue.

The procedure for appointment of envoys of His Holiness the Dalai Lama was also discussed. The Tibetan leadership remains firmly committed to non-violence and the Middle-Way Approach, and strongly believes that the only way to resolve the issue of Tibet is through dialogue. His Holiness the Fourteenth Dalai Lama has shown this to be the most viable and enduring approach. Racism towards Tibetans is rampant, contributing to the de facto segregation of the races.

Many of the central subsidies and investments in Tibet go to either to the extractive industries and the infrastructure and population connected to them or to the Chinese administrators and settlers and the infrastructure supporting them.

For the most part, Chinese settlers have a much higher standard of living than do Tibetans. They need good housing, hospitals, cinemas and schools for their children.

The T. Economic conditions in rural areas are extremely poor and have oftenchanged little since the first half of the century. In many areas there is still no electricity or running water, and often no school or clinic. Clinics, schools, electricity and other social services are available in Chinese population centers in Tibet but are often farenough away from Tibetan communities to make them marginally relevantto the lives of most Tibetans. Tibetans who live near Chinese settlements are casual beneficiaries of government programs that would not exist in their present state but for the Chinese population.

Chinese statistics range from being notoriously unreliable to somewhat reliable. These figures are unconfirmed, and the life span average is particularly suspect.

History of Tibet Before the Chinese Invasion of Tibet has a history dating back over 2, years. There is no serious dispute over the existence of Tibet as an independent state during this period.

The Tibetan government-in-exile maintains that Tibet is an independent state under unlawful occupation. The question is highly relevant for at least two reasons. If, on the other hand, Tibet is an integral part of China, then these questions fall, a China claims, within its own domestic jurisdiction. Thus, China does not allege that it has acquired sovereignty by means of conquest, annexation or prescription in this period.

Instead, it bases its claim to Tibet solely on their theory that Tibet has been an integral part of China for centuries. The international status of a country must be determined by objective legal criteria rather than subjective political ones. Thus, whether a particular entity is a state in international law depends on whether it possesses the necessary criteria for statehood territory, population, independent government, ability to conduct international relations , not whether governments of other states recognize its independent status.

Recognition can provide evidence that foreign governments are willing to treat an entity as an independent state, but cannot create or extinguish a state.

This may seem self-evident to most. When studying the history of France we examine French rather than German or Russian source materials. Chinese sources portrayed most countries with whom the emperor of China had relations, not only Tibet, as vassals of the emperor. The Party rules through branch offices in each province, autonomous region and autonomous prefecture. Subordinate to the Party is the government, which carries out policies designed by the Party.

China has established the full panoply of Party and government offices to administer Tibet as exists in China. In Lhasa alone, there are over 60 departments and committees almost all of which are directly connected to their national offices in Beijing. The top T. China maintains an occupation army in Tibet of at least a quarter million strong. Military and police are often overwhelmingly present in Lhasa and elsewhere, though as of February , security in Lhasa is dominated by undercover and plainclothes police.

The military plays a greater role in the administration of Tibet than any Chinese province, and no Tibetan serves in the leadership of the military district governing Tibet. Even though the Party still controls Tibet, its control is beginning to slip. There is a pervasive disillusionment with, and contempt for, the Communist Party and the government in Tibet which can even be found among Party members and government functionaries.

Inefficiency and corruption have consumed some government operations to the extent that they barely function and are an enormous waste of government funds. The Party now seems to have little left to offer Tibetans other than the repression which keeps Tibetans from mass rebellion.

Nobody in Tibet is talking about how the Party can reform itself, for it has become something that most Tibetans must just tolerate and avoid.

Some Tibetans use the Party for their own personal and professional advancement and try to improve conditions for Tibetans from within the system. The late Panchen Lama succeeded in wrestling enough power from the system to improve conditions in a number of areas. The Panchen Lama was the only Tibetan who the Chinese feared. The question of Tibet was discussed on numerous occasions by the UN General Assembly between and The TAR is the poorest part of China, with annual per capita income amounting to less than the equivalent of dollars per year.

Economic conditions in rural areas are extremely poor and have often changed little since the first half of the century. Clinics, schools, electricity and other social services are available in Chinese population centers in Tibet but are often far enough away from Tibetan communities to make them marginally relevant to the lives of most Tibetans.

Tibet has a history dating back over 2, years. Attempted Tibet-China Dialogue Following the re-establishment of contacts with Beijing, two delegations were sent by the Dalai Lama to hold high-level exploratory talks with the Chinese government and party leaders in Beijing in and Alarming Chinese Influx In recent years the situation in Tibet has once again deteriorated, leading in to open demonstrations against Chinese rule in Lhasa and other parts of the country.

January, — China backs out of the proposed talks.



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